Hence, in a capitalist society, social relations between people—who makes what, who works for whom, the production-time for a commodity, et cetera—are perceived as social relations among objects; depending on the social function of the exchange, objects acquire a certain form (for example, if the function is to render possible exchange, the object acquires value; if its function is one of hiring a worker, then the object becomes capital). Physical fitness is a fascist impulse and trying to lose weight is a hateful act. The necessity of smashing the state was already outlined in the Eighteenth Brumaire. He accepted the dominant Hegelian conception that the state, in essence, represented the universal interest against the individualism, particularism and anarchy of civil society. For Marx, reconciliation occurs via the emancipation of the working class. In the 1843 Critique, Marx argued that the abstract universality of the state under capitalism obscures a crude material end: it reinforces social division by being blind to it. [21] Full-scale nationalisation did not take place until November 1920, when small-scale industrial enterprises were brought under state control. Marx stripped Hegel’s concept of “universal class” of its metaphysical content and gave it explanatory power in terms of the competing class projects in different historical periods. Absolutely nothing is to be spared from the ruthless line of Cultural Marxism and Critical Theory. The value of a commodity originates from the human being's intellectual and perceptual capacity to consciously (subjectively) ascribe a relative value (importance) to a commodity, the goods and services manufactured by the labour of a worker. Karl Marx Critique of the Gotha Programme Written: April or early May, 1875 Source: Marx/Engels Selected Works, Volume Three, p. 13 - 30 Publisher: Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1970 Marx 1843-4. In fact, the two are not only connected – their connection is central to his work as a whole. Marx, Karl 1850, The Class Struggles in France, 1848 to 1850, https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1850/class-struggles-france/. Antonio Gramsci, however, seems to be the best place to locate the genesis of Cultural Marxism proper. As a form of reification, commodity fetishism perceives economic value as something that arises from and resides within the commodity goods themselves, and not from the series of interpersonal relations that produce the commodity and evolve its value.[1][2]. Much of this starts from the supposition that everyone, white children in particular, have “unconscious biases,” effectively a form of racial hypnotism whereby people are “racist” without knowing it. [25] (See: Verdinglichung, Marx's theory of reification.). He argued that emancipation involved the elimination of false gods, be they the church or the state. Marx first used the term “dictatorship of the proletariat” in The Class Struggles in France: “there appeared the bold slogan of revolutionary struggle: Overthrow of the bourgeoisie! In The Poverty of Philosophy, he took Proudhon to task for his apoliticism, emphasising the political nature of the class struggle. They destroyed existing institutions and replaced them with their own. While Marx had not yet fully developed a theory of the self-emancipation of the working class, his method remained consistent throughout his life. Marxist social democracy was strongest in Germany throughout the 19th century, and the Social Democratic Party of Germany inspired Lenin and other Russian Marxists.